Leopold Obermayer

Leopold Obermayer ( Wuerzburg , the October as maypole as 1892 – KZ Mauthausen , on 22 February as as 1943 ) was persecuted by Jewish and homosexual during Nazism . Obermayer, who was a Swiss citizen, was a Doctor of Law and a wine merchant in Würzburg. He was arrested in October 1934; Initially held for two years, mainly in the Dachau concentration camp , was later sentenced to ten years of forced labor in 1936 by Article 175 of the German penal code, which outlawed homosexuality. The Swiss offices responsible for the defense of its citizens were not very diligent with Obermayer; In part they defended the view of “that Obermeyer hardly thinks or feels like a Swiss.” 1

Life

The father of Obermayer was a Wurzburg wine merchant who in 1875 had renounced his Bavarian citizenship and adopted the Swiss. 2 Like his parents and brothers, Leopold Obermayer was considered a citizen of Siblingen , in the Canton of Schaffhausen . Obermayer studied law and political science (Staatswissenschaften) in Germany and Switzerland, doctoring in February 1918 at the University of Frankfurt . After the death of his father, Obermayer took the reins of the business. A Jewish believer, he initially accepted his homosexuality hesitantly, but later lived his condition openly and self-assured.

Detention

After taking over the government of the Nazi Party, on October 31, 1934 Obermayer appeared before the local chief of the Bavarian political police in Würzburg, Josef Gerum , to complain about the control of his mail. Gerum was a member of the Nazi party since 1920 and was considered “particularly homophobic “; 3 had been transferred from Munich to Würzburg in mid-April 1934. That same day, Obermayer was “detained” ( Schutzhaft ), accused of espionage, connections with the illegal Communist Party of Germany and spreading rumors detrimental to the nation. These accusations were scarcely thematized later in the Obermayer trials; An indictment for treason was dismissed in June 1936.

During the registration of the safe Obermayer photos they were found homoerotic nude men and confiscated their correspondence with the wide circle of friends and acquaintances. In the following days investigations were started against at least 68 other people. On the basis of Gerum’s information, on 7 November 1934 a report was published in the newspaper Mainfränkische Zeitung :

Anscheinend haben wir in der Person der Dr. Obermayer, Weinhändler, Würzburg, Wolframstraße 1, einen Vertreter jener Rasse erwischt, den man ohne Rücksicht auf seine Zugehörigkeit zum Stamm Manasse ruhig als einen der gemeinsten und moralisch minderwertigsten Menschen bezeichnen kann, die unter der Sonne Wandeln. […] Also Dr. Obermayer […] ist auch heute noch ein Kommunist reinsten Wassers, er hat sich die Schweizer Staatsbürgerschaft zugelegt und ist – Jude. Er ist von jener gemeinen Veranlagung, die Mediziner Päderastie nennen und die der Volksmund mit anormal oder – nachsichtiger ausgedrückt – mit unglücklicher Veranlagung bezeichnet. […] Nun sind wir ihm auf der Spur. Wir wissen, daß wir in diesem Juden ein gemeingefährliches Individuum aufgespürt haben, das verdient hätte, auf eine andere Art und Weise gestraft zu werden, als durch eine humane Inschutzhaftnahme. Apparently, in the person of Dr. Obermayer, a wine-dealer, Würzburg, Wolframstraße 1, we have caught a representative of that breed who, regardless of his membership in the Manasseh tribe , can be described with certainty More infamous and morally inferior that moves under the sun … In addition, Dr. Obermayer […] is still a pure communist today, he has achieved Swiss and Jewish nationality. It is that infamous trend that doctors call pederasty and that the mouth of the people calls abnormal or – expressed in a more forgiving way – of unfortunate tendency. […] Now we follow the track. We know that with this Jew we have discovered an individual dangerous to public safety, who deserved a punishment different from that of the human detention he has suffered. 4

During the taking of statements, none of Obermayer’s testimony could be used against him, however, he noted that in the Gauleiter of the Gau Mainfranken , Otto Hellmuth , “they sat homosexual.” 5 Gerum began an investigation which he sent to the Bavarian Ministry of the Interior on 5 May 1935, reporting on “Occurrences in the direction of the Gau de Mainfranken.” The Gauleiter Hellmuth demanded for his part the relief of Gerum and described it as “completely useless … for its use in the political police.” 5

The Swiss consul general in Munich was informed of Obermayer’s arrest before 19 November 1934. 6 On 24 November, the representative in Munich confirmed that Obermayer did not hold German nationality. Possessing exclusive Swiss citizenship was one of the conditions that Switzerland had imposed to protect its citizens in Germany. Obermayer’s lawyer in Würzburg, Karl Rosenthal, assured Swiss authorities that his client had committed no crime as a known homosexual, and above all, he was not a communist. Rosenthal also proposed an extradition to Switzerland. The Swiss envoy in Berlin, Paul Dinichert, and the head of the external section in Bern , Pierre Bonna, decided at the end of 1934 not to take any action in favor of Obermayer, since in his view, the accusations were very Serious. 7An extradition to Switzerland required a request from the consul in Munich to the German authorities, a request that never arrived.

Dachau concentration camp

On January 12, 1935, Gerum personally delivered Obermayer to the commander of the Dachau concentration camp , Heinrich Deubel . The following 21 months were for Obermayer a nightmare of torture , interrogations , lack of hygiene, insufficient medical care, lack of food and constant insults, even death threats. He spent at least six months in a cell similar to a basement, the so-called Kommandanturarrest , “arrest of the command.” According to Obermayer’s account, information about his mother’s death came to him in the following circumstances:

Am 16. September früh nach dem Rasieren, durch Lang im Hof ​​aufs grausamste mißhandelt. Anwesend noch Verwalter Kantschuster. Andere ohne weiteres vom Laufen dispensiert, meine diesbezügliche Bitte wegen Herzbeschwerden durch Lang und Kantschuster abgeschlagen. Lang befahl ‘Zelle 10’, seinen besonderen ‘Spezi’, neben mir zu laufen, mich vorwärts zu stoßen und zu treten, ’10’ nach Kräften tat, boxer auch in die Nieren, bis er mich niedergetreten hatte. Dann mußte ich zu Lang in sein Zimmer, er nahm einen Stock aus dem Schrank und drohte mir fürs nächste Mal 25 Hiebe an. Dann mußte ich erhitzt, mit jagendem Puls, angezogen unter die eiskalte Dusche, bis ich vom Rock bis zu den Schuhen tropfnaß war. Dann naß in den Hof zurück – es war recht kühl – und weiter marschiert. Hierauf wurde ich von Lang in Gegenwart von Kantschuster, naß in tropfnassen Kleidern, mit den Händen, Kopf nach unten, in Zelle 10 an den Bodenring gekettet. Hinsetzen mit Drohungen verboten. Mein Körper bildete einen Halbkreis! Ich fror jämmerlich, durch die Mißhandlung war ich aufs äußerste resp. Total erschöpft. Wieder ein Jud ‘weniger, Ihre Mutter ist tot.’ – Erst auf wiederholtes Bitten wurde ich losgekettet, trockene Sachen bekam ich nicht, mute mich nackt in eine Decke hüllen . – So bekam ich vielleicht durch meine Mutter das Leben gerettet, ich hätte über Nacht so [angekettet bleiben]. Schreibsachen trotz Todesfall verweigert. On September 16, early, after shaving, mistreated by Lang of the worst shape in the yard. Present was the administrator Kantschuster . Others with no further exemptions from the march, my request in that regard, due to my heart problems, dismissed by Lang and Kantschuster. Lang ordered “Zelle 10,” his special “little friend” to come to my side, to push me and kick me, which “10” did with fury, he also punched me in the kidneys, until he threw me to the ground. Then I had to go with Lang to his room, took a stick from the closet and threatened me with 25 blows. Then I had, hot and hot, dressed, put myself under the freezing shower, until I was completely wet from the jacket to the shoes. Then back to the yard-it was quite cool-and to continue marching. Then Lang, in the presence of Kantschuster, chained me to the ring on the floor of cell 10, damp with wet clothes, hands and head down. Sitting was forbidden under threat. My body was a semicircle! I froze pitifully, due to the mistreatment I was completely exhausted. At 11 o’clock came Kantschuster and Lang, they waved a telegram, Lang shouted, “Another Jew less, his mother is dead.” – Only after asking several times, they took my chains, they did not give me dry clothes, I had to wrap myself naked in a blanket. -Thus, possibly thanks to my mother, I saved my life, I would have spent the night like this [chained]. Paper and pencil were denied me despite the death [of my mother].

Following the request of an Obermayer family member, the Swiss envoy in Berlin, Paul Dinichert, proposed an intervention in the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs , to bring Obermayer before an ordinary court. This proposal was rejected on February 21, 1935 personally by the head of the Swiss Federal Department of Foreign Affairs, counselor Giuseppe Motta : Motta considered that an intervention “would hardly benefit the Swiss general interests”. 8 The envoy in Berlin was instructed, “in view of the type and number of offenses against customs,” not to intervene “in favor of this seriously committed Swiss citizen [in matters], as well as politicians, whom he has also confessed. “The attitude of the Swiss changed in August 1935, following a report by the Swiss Federal Department of Justice and Police, according to which the German practice of Schutzhaft (preventive detention) would not be admissible against foreign citizens. At the end of August, the federal parliament approved a petition in favor of an ordinary trial against Obermayer. Referring to Fig.

Arrest warrant

On September 11, 1935, the Munich headquarters of the Bavarian political police ordered that either an arrest warrant be issued against Obermayer, or that he be interned for further release. On September 23 Obermayer was transferred to the Würzburg jail , later to nearby Ochsenfurt . There, an arrest warrant was issued against him under article 175 . In prison, Obermayer wrote in a sixteen-page handwritten letter, dated 2 October, the circumstances of his retention at Dachau. This document is considered “of special value” 10 among the contemporary writings of the Dachau prisoners. Obermayer tried to hand the report over to his lawyer, Rosenthal, but he refused to receive it because of its compromising content. The report fell into the hands of the police. Josef Gerum insisted in a letter dated October 12 that Obermayer was to be returned to the concentration camp: “Obermayer only fears me and my corrective measures. […] The danger that he may speak freely before a court about the Dachau affairs is too great. The funny thing is that man has made an exact protocol of all that has happened in Dachau and even remembers the exact day and hour, and has stated in writing that memory in full. ” 11

On October 10, the lawyer Rosenthal was “detained” for almost three months; Two days later Obermayer was sent back to Dachau. Pretrial detention was lifted on October 15; Of October 29, there is an arrest warrant, according to which Obermayer “is a dangerous foreign enemy of the state … who even tried to spread terrible rumors, abusing his right to judicial defense, treating To take them abroad. ” 12The transfer of Obermayer to the concentration camp before the arrest of pre-trial detention was illegal under the legislation in force at the time. 13 On 27 November, German Minister of Justice Franz Gürtner told Heinrich Müller of the Gestapo that he had “serious doubts” about the prosecution and pointed out possible diplomatic consequences. 14 Obermayer wrote from Dachau, aided by his legal training, numerous complaints, among others to Heinrich Himmler and the administrator of Bavaria, Franz von Epp , letters that were otherwise seized by censorship. In one of his letters to his sister, Obermayer complained that in Dachau there was no quality reading in the languages ​​of culture, French, English and Italian. 15 As a result he was punished for 21 days of rigorous arrest. The loss of his doctorate, prompted by the University of Frankfurt, was not accepted by Obermayer: the act was contrary to the presumption of innocence and was not provided for in the 1918 doctoral regulation law, valid at that time. 16

Fritz Ufer, a trusted lawyer at the Swiss consulate in Munich, became Obermayer’s new lawyer. In February 1936, the Swiss legation in Berlin called Obermayer’s treatment a “game of cat and mouse, which is contrary to civilized law from any point of view.” 17 Previously Switzerland had sent a verbal note to the ministry of Foreign affairs. The Swiss consul general in Munich, Friedrich Kaestli, was skeptical about a visit to Obermayer at the Gestapo prison they had at the Wittelsbach Palace , in the same city where the prisoner was temporarily:

Von einem Besuch Obermayers möchte ich nach Möglichkeit so lange absehen, als dieser sich in den Händen der Schutzpolizei befindet. Bei der Einstellung des Häftlings, der von Natur aus unter Komplexen leidet, die durch den langen Aufenthalt im Konzentrationslager nicht besser geworden sind, wird mich ein Besuch in Verlegenheit bringen. It is therefore necessary to ensure that, in accordance with the procedure laid down in Article 5, the provisions of this Directive shall apply mutatis mutandis. Da mein Besuch nur in Begleitung eines Aufsichtsbeamten erlaubt würde, ist ebenso sicher zu erwarten, dass dieser dann die Unterhaltung sofort abbrechen würde, was ich mir gerne ersparen möchte. Immerhin wäre mir dieser Ausgang noch weniger unangenehm, als wenn Obermayer Gelegenheit hätte, mir seine Dachauer Erfahrungen bekanntzugeben, from ich ihn doch in der Hoffnung enttäuschen müsste, daraus etwas zu seinen Gunsten verwerten zu können. Der Fall erferdert mit seinem politischen Hintergrund in erster Linie eine Taktik der Zweckmäßigkeit, das formale Recht kommt erst in zweiter Linie. If possible, I would like not to visit Obermayer while in the hands of the police. Due to the attitude of the prisoner, who of nature suffers from various complexes, which have not improved with their passage through the concentration camps, a visit would be embarrassing. Obermayer is surely expected to attempt to express his indignation at the treatment he underwent at Dachau. Because my visit can only be done in the company of a surveillance officer, it is also to be expected that he will immediately interrupt the conversation, which I would like to save. Anyway, that result would be even less disagreeable to me than if Obermayer had the opportunity to let me know his experiences at Dachau, since he tended to eliminate his hopes that something positive for his case could be extracted from his account. This case, with its political background, needs in the first line a tactic of opportunism, formal law comes later. 18

Kaestli’s attitude was approved by his bosses in Berne. The legacy in Berlin, Paul Dinichert, on the other hand, advocated a visit to Obermayer: from such a visit a “certain tranquility” was promised for Obermayer, who “behaves indomitably and commits police officers and Prisons with their continual complaints in writing, as well as by their unbridled private correspondence. ” 19 If a consul’s visit was finally visited, it is unknown. twenty

In the summer of 1936 the situation of the prisoner considerably worsened when the investigating judge found that Obermayer was a German citizen. 21 Later reports to the Swiss embassy stated that Obermayer’s father’s resignation to Bavarian nationality in 1875 had been illegal. 22 Those statements contradicted previous information from the German authorities.

Condemnation

On 24 September 1936 Obermayer was transferred to the jail of the Würzburg Provincial Court. Two days earlier, Günther Joël, from the prosecutor general at the Berlin Ministry of Justice, had ordered the transfer to the Wurzburg prosecutor; There would have been diplomatic difficulties. 23 When Obermayer shortly afterwards requested a religious, the prosecutor subjected him to an interrogation “terribly embarrassing”, in his own words. In his complaint he wrote:

In der Wahrnehmung meiner Rechte und in der Ablehnung jeder Diffamierung als Jude bin ich unnachgiebig, auch auf die Gefahr hin, mir dadurch in der Jetztzeit zu schaden. In puncto Recht und Gleichheit vor dem Gesetz lehne ich jetzt und künftig jeden Kompromiß ab. Ich weise auch die Unterstellung, daß ich irgendwie ein Rechtsgut verletzt hätte, zurück. Ich hoffe, daß auch für Ihr Land Deutschland der Tag kommen wird, wo man die Bestrafung der Homosexualität auf die gleiche Stufe wie die letzte Hexenverbrennung in Oberzell stellen wird. Vielleicht ist Ihnen bekannt, daß bis ca. 1862 in Bayern jede Form von homosexueller Betätigung straffrei war. In the perception of my rights and in the rejection of all defamation as a Jew I remain inflexible, even with the danger of harming myself in this case. In the question of law and equality before the law I reject any compromise now and in the future. I also reject the accusation that you have committed any legal right. I hope that also for your country, Germany, the day comes when the condemnation of homosexuality is at the same level as the last witch-burn in Oberzell. 24 You may know that until about 1862 all forms of homosexuality were lawful in Bavaria. 25

Obermayer’s lawyer, Fritz Ufer, advised his client to waive such complaints, as they were irritating a growing number of officials. When Obermayer decided to defend his point of view, Ufer was offended and on December 7, 1936, two days before the start of the judicial process, he resigned to defend his client. Obermayer had previously rejected an apology from the lawyer. The record of the Gestapo on Obermayer preserved shows signs of previous talks between the Gestapo and the court. For the secret police it was of central importance to prevent the occurrence in Dachau from coming to light. Josef Gerum, since October 1, director of the Gestapo in Würzburg, 26 reported on Nov. 4 on talks with the state prosecutor and the director of the provincial hearing: “The state prosecutor general fears that Obermayer wants to drag [by the Mud] to Hitler in his defense, perhaps by saying that the Führer was not against homosexuals before July 30, 1934, and that he knew of all the acts of Heine and Röhm . ” 27 On June 29, 1936, the chief Of the Würzburg hearing had announced that he wanted to “act with all hardness” and get a 19-year sentence and preventive detention. 28 During the preparations of the Gestapo were contacted Josef Meisinger , director of the newly founded Reich Central Office for the Combating of Homosexuality and Abortion . Meisinger would later consider Obermayer as an example for the necessity of the existence of the Reichszentrale. 29

For the process, which lasted from 9 to 13 December, he was commissioned an intern as duty roster defense Obermayer. The public was excluded for the most part from the process; Nor was there any representative from Switzerland. At the same time the trial against David Frankfurter was held in Davos , accused of the murder of the head of the Swiss section of the Nazi party, Wilhelm Gustloff . 30

According to information provided by the Würzburger -General-Anzeiger newspaper , the state prosecutor called the case “an unparalleled pig . The defendant has performed his work with a diabolical lack of shame and scruples. Something far beyond that lust must have driven it, the law of race. ” 31 According to the Fränkischer Volksblatt , Obermayer defended himself judiciously in court; Due to “certain arrogance” 32 had to “listen to some admonition of the judge and prosecutor”. According to the newspaper, the accused feared biased newspaper articles and asked for protection from the rostrum. “The accused admitted that he had been a homosexual since his youth, which had overwhelmed him and, because of his emotional state, had asked a doctor, who advised him to live by his nature,” said the Fränkische Volksblatt . Obermayer himself stated that in his relations with men before his arrest in 1934, also with some much younger than him, he had never crossed the lines indicated by the penal code. 33

On December 13, 1936, the Würzburg provincial court sentenced Obermayer to ten years’ hard labor and loss of his right to vote, as well as “security internment” after ten years of hard labor. The court found him guilty of 30 cases of “fornication against nature” with men, according to article 175 of the penal code; In two additional accusations was declared innocent and in five more the process was annulled. In the surveys that preceded the trial, more than 100 cases were investigated, most of which were ruled out because they were prescribed. 34 The “security internment” was ordered as Obermayer was considered a “usual criminal” (“gefährlicher Gewohnheitsverbrecher”) according to Article 20a of the Criminal Code; It was to be expected that “the accused, upon his release, again attacks the male sexual honor protected by the penal code.” 35 A letter of love to a fellow prisoner had been found in Obermayer’s cell.

The weekly anti- Semite newspaper of Nuremberg , Der Stürmer , opened its cover of December of 1936 with the titleholder ” Satan in the court. The trial against the corruptor of men, the Jew Obermayer. Chilling vileness of authentic Jewish Talmud . “In January 1937 , Der Stürmer announced that expose them to public shame to all defense counsel Obermayer. 30 Der Stürmer also carried out his threat; A later civil complaint by a lawyer against the newspaper was dismissed. 36

With the help of a new lawyer, Obermayer was able to get an appeal against the sentence. 37 The High Court of Leipzig partially annulled the April 20, 1937 judgment in the presence of an official of the Swiss consulate. In a new trial at the provincial hearing in Wurzburg, the same judge upheld the sentence on June 16, 1937.

Death in the concentration camp of Mauthausen

Stolperstein dedicated to Dr. Obermayer in Würzburg.

Until 1942 Obermayer remained in prisons of Amberg and Waldheim . 38 In late 1942 he was transferred to Schröttersburg an der Weichsel (Polish: Płock ). According to Nazi law, Obermayer was thus overseas and, according to the Eleventh Ordinance of the Reich Citizenship Act of November 1941, Obermayer, as a Jew, claimed his disputed German nationality. In December 1942 Obermayer was able to request two written confirmations of his Swiss nationality at the consulate general in Munich. The consulate refused to deliver them. 39

Obermayer belonged to the prisoners who, after an agreement between the new minister of justice Thierack and Himmler , were chosen by a commission formed by officials of the ministry of justice and the SS to be transferred to the concentration camps and “destroyed by work ‘. Under unknown circumstances Obermayer died on 22 February 1943 at the concentration camp at Mauthausen . 38 A Swiss curator Obermayer had organized in 1936 assumed in April 1943 that he had died, since the letters sent were returned with the note “unknown, changed.” The Obermayer death certificate was issued by the Mauthausen II / Oberdonau register and sent to the Swiss embassy in October 1943 with a verbal note. 39

In front of the house of Obermayer in the street Wolframstraße, number 1, of Wurzburgo, was placed the 17 of July of 2006 a Stolperstein .

Bibliography

  • May Broda: Der Schweizer Bürger Leopold Obermayer im KZ Dachau. Ein frühes Beispiel eidgenössischer Opferschutzpolitik. In: Wolfgang Benz, Barbara Distel (ed.): Nationalitäten im KZ (= Dachauer Hefte, 23). Verlag Dachauer Hefte, Dachau 2007, ISBN 978-3-9808587-8-6 , p. 3-29.
  • Johannes Schütz: Nachlese zu einem Würzburger Strafverfahren der NS-Zeit. In: Manfred Seebode (ed.): Festschrift für Günter Spendel zum 70. Geburtstag am 11. Juli 1992. Walter de Gruyter, Berlin 1992, ISBN 3-11-012889-6 , p. 173-188.
  • Elke Fröhlich: Die Herausforderung des Einzelnen. Geschichten über Widerstand und Verfolgung (= Martin Broszat, Elke Fröhlich (ed.): Bayern in der NS-Zeit , Band 6). Oldenbourg, München 1983, ISBN 3-486-42411-4 , p. 76-114.

External links

  • Dr Leopold Obermeyer . Rainbow Hamlets (in English) . Accessed June 28, 2015 .
  • Leopold Obermayer . Schwulengeschichte.ch (in German) . Accessed June 28, 2015 .

References

  1. Back to top↑ Schreiben von Paul Ritter, Generalkonsulat München an die Gesandtschaft in Berlin vom 21.
  2. Back to top↑ Biographical data of Obermayer in Fröhlich, Die Herausforderung , and Broda, Bürger .
  3. Back to top↑ Burkhard Jellonnek: Homosexuelle unter dem Hakenkreuz.
  4. Back to top↑ Mainfränkische Zeitung of November 7,
  5. ↑ Jump to:a b On the searches in the direction of Gau see Jellonnek, Homosexuelle , p. 267.
  6. Back to top↑ Broda, Bürger , p. 6 secs.
  7. Back to top↑ About the correspondence between the legation and the foreign department, between November 23, 1934 and January 25, 1935: Broda, Bürger , p. 7.
  8. Back to top↑ Quoted in Broda, Bürger , p. 7.
  9. Back to top^ Broda, Bürger , p. 9.
  10. Back to top↑ This evaluation in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 81.
  11. Back to top↑ Fernschreiben Gerum an SS-Standartenführer Stepp vom 12. Oktober 1935 , quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 90.
  12. Back to top↑ «Schutzhaftbefehl der Polizeidirektion Würzburg vom 29. Oktober 1935», quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 90.
  13. Back to top↑ On antijuridicity see Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 91, 93; Schütz, Nachlese , p. 187.
  14. Back to top↑ objections Gürtner are mentioned in a tele-conversation between the inspector Gerum, B., BPP Wurzburg, and Kriminalinspektor Weiß, BPP München, of 14 December 1935, quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 93 f.
  15. Back to top↑ Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 92.
  16. Back to top↑ Schreiben Obermayers an den Rat der Universität Frankfurt / Main vom 12. Februar 1936, quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 95 s.
  17. Back to top↑ Gesandtschaft in Berlin an Abteilung für Auswärtiges am 13. Februar 1936 , quoted in Broda, Bürger, p. 13.
  18. Back to top↑ Berufsvizekonsul Friedrich Kaestli, Generalkonsulat München, an Gesandtschaft am 17. April 1936, quoted in Broda, Bürger, p. 14.
  19. Back to top↑ Dinichert an Abteilung für Auswärtiges am 21. April 1936 , quoted in Broda, Bürger, p. fifteen.
  20. Back to top↑ Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 98, mentions a meeting; In Broda, Bürger , there is no mention of a meeting.
  21. Back to top↑ Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 98.
  22. Back to top↑ 1938, Broda, Bürger , p. 25.
  23. Back to top↑ Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 98 s.
  24. Back to top↑ Obermayer refers to Renata Singer , putdeath in 1749.
  25. Back to top↑ Schreiben Obermayer an Oberstaatsanwalt Schröder vom 17. Oktober 1936 , quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 100.
  26. Back to top↑ On 1 October 1936 the Wuerzburg office of the BPP became the Geheime Staatspolizei – Staatspolizeistelle Würzburg , a section of the Gestapo . See Jellonnek, Homosexuelle , p. 221.
  27. Back to top↑ Fernschreiben von Gerum (Staatspolizeistelle Würzburg) an Weiß (Staatspolizeistelle München) vom 4. November 1936 , quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 101. also on p. 104 secs. Other reports and discussions.
  28. Back to top↑ Fernschreiben vom 29. Juni 1936 , Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 98.
  29. Back to top↑ Vortrag von Kriminalrat Meisinger, gehalten auf der Dienstversammlung der Medizinaldezernenten und -referenten am 5. und 6. April 1937 in Berlin. Excerpts from the text can be found at: Günther Grau: Homosexualität in der NS-Zeit. Dokumente einer Diskriminierung und Verfolgung . Fischer Taschenbuch, Frankfurt 2004, ISBN 3-596-15973-3 , p. 147 secs.
  30. ↑ Jump to:a b Broda, Bürger , p. 2. 3.
  31. Back to top↑ Würzburger General-Anzeiger of December 12, 1936, quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 108.
  32. Back to top↑ Fränkisches Volksblatt of December 10, 1936, quoted in Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 107.
  33. Back to top↑ Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 100.
  34. Back to top↑ Schütz, Nachlese , p. 177 secs.
  35. Back to top↑ Urteil des Landgerichts Würzburg (F 1333/35) , quoted in Schütz, Nachlese , p. 180.
  36. Back to top↑ Stefan König: Vom Dienst am Recht.
  37. Back to top↑ For the review: Schütz, Nachlese , p. 183; Broda, Bürger , p. 24; Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 109.
  38. ↑ Jump to:a b Fröhlich, Herausforderung , p. 109 f.
  39. ↑ Jump to:a b Broda, Bürger , p. 27.